Psychology & Human Development

The Many Faces of Boredom

How young and old experience the world's most underrated emotion — and why it matters more than we think

Research Review — April 2026 — ~1,000 words

We tend to think of boredom as a trivial inconvenience — an afternoon that drags, a meeting that won't end, a Sunday that refuses to begin. But psychological research increasingly suggests that boredom is neither trivial nor uniform. It shapes behavior, health, and identity differently depending on where a person stands in the arc of life. For adolescents and for older adults, boredom is a particularly pressing challenge — and the reasons, consequences, and remedies differ in revealing ways.

The Scale of the Problem

Boredom is, first of all, extraordinarily common among young people. Research suggests that more than 90% of adolescents have experienced boredom at some point in their lives, and that in a typical day, adolescents report being bored between 30 and 40 percent of the time. Far from being stable, this figure appears to be growing.

90%+
of adolescents have experienced boredom at some point in their lives
30–40%
of a typical day is spent bored, according to self-reports by adolescents

Research at Washington State University tracked a decade of adolescent responses to boredom surveys and found that boredom rose within and across grades throughout that period, with girls showing steeper increases than boys. Between 2008 and 2017, using data from over 106,000 students in the Monitoring the Future survey, boredom increased historically both across and within grades — with girls consistently demonstrating greater increases than boys (Weybright et al., 2020).

The picture for older adults is less well-documented, but no less significant. Existing literature within the context of leisure has primarily focused on adolescents, leaving a significant gap in our understanding of boredom among older populations. What research does exist suggests that boredom in later life is deeply intertwined with isolation, loss of purpose, and declining function — a combination that makes it a genuine health risk rather than a passing mood.

Why Adolescents Are Especially Vulnerable

The teenage years represent a kind of perfect storm for boredom. Developmentally, several forces converge to make understimulation feel almost unbearable. During adolescence, the increased quest for independence, autonomy, and novelty may create mismatches with the limited opportunities provided by the social context — especially given slower-developing cognitive and regulatory abilities to structure time appropriately. In short, adolescents want more than their environments offer, and they do not yet have the cognitive tools to manage that gap.

There is also a neurological dimension. Research shows that sensation seeking from age 12 to 24 follows a curvilinear pattern, rising sharply between ages 12 and 14 before falling more gradually toward age 24 (Harden & Tucker-Drob, 2011). This surge in the drive for novelty, combined with limited autonomy, creates conditions where boredom is almost structurally inevitable.

School, by design, is one of the primary sites where this tension plays out. Adolescents report being bored most often while doing homework or schoolwork — roughly 40% of the time — but also during creative activities and while watching television (Anderson et al., 2024). The consequences are not merely uncomfortable: boredom has been linked to depressive symptoms and risky behaviors including substance misuse, poor academic performance, and early sexual activity.

Digital media use doubled for 12th graders between 2006 and 2012, while time spent with friends declined — suggesting boredom may be one more indicator of adolescent dissatisfaction with how their time is spent.

Digital technology has added new complexity to this picture. As screen time has risen, adolescents have simultaneously reduced their time spent socializing in person. Rather than eliminating boredom, digital engagement may be repackaging it — offering the appearance of stimulation while leaving the underlying need for meaningful engagement unmet (Weybright, 2019).

The Different Texture of Boredom in Later Life

If boredom in youth is largely about an overabundance of appetite and a shortage of opportunity, boredom in old age tends to work in the opposite direction: a shrinking of both opportunity and, sometimes, desire. As cognitive capacity declines with age, the environmental context can converge with these internal changes to fuel a late-life surge in boredom (BPS, 2023).

Retirement is one of the great triggers. It is widely assumed that having more free time should reduce boredom — but the evidence says otherwise. The removal of professional roles and routines can leave older adults without meaningful structure. Studies from the 1960s to 1980s found that boredom in retirement stemmed largely from having nothing to do or not knowing what to do, and was established as a major cause of depression, apathy, and even suicidal ideation (CENIE, 2022).

61%
of dependent older adults experience boredom as a significant daily condition
10+ hrs
of weekly volunteering is associated with significantly lower boredom scores in retirees

The stakes of boredom in old age are also deeply social and relational. Prolonged boredom is associated with apathy, cognitive decline, mental health problems, and social withdrawal. A study using data from the German Ageing Survey found that loneliness increases exponentially the more participants expect boredom to accompany aging — even when controlling for sociodemographic, physical, and mental health variables (Wettstein et al., 2025). In other words, simply believing that aging means being bored appears to become a self-fulfilling prophecy, driving isolation and further decline.

Purpose and social engagement emerge as the most powerful protective factors. Research on retirees found a significant negative correlation between subjective sense of life purpose and boredom, and those who volunteered more than ten hours per week reported markedly lower boredom scores (Weinstein et al., 1995). Meaningful leisure engagement was identified as one of the most important factors in defining healthy aging among older adults with chronic conditions (An et al., 2022).

A Lifespan Perspective

Seen together, boredom across the lifespan traces a kind of U-shaped curve. Boredom tends to decline from young adulthood to midlife — when careers, spouses, children, and mortgages may simply leave less opportunity to feel bored — before rising again in later life as those responsibilities lift and physical and social capacities narrow (BPS, 2023).

This arc invites a reframe. Boredom is not a sign of laziness or ingratitude. At both ends of life, it signals something important: that a person is not sufficiently engaged with their world, that the fit between their capacities and their environment has broken down. As one researcher put it: "Teenagers and older adults are both deeply uneasy when they have too much time on their hands and nothing to do with it — boredom at the bookends of life signals that we need something more."

The appropriate response is not to dismiss boredom or to simply fill time with noise. For adolescents, it means creating environments that match their growing need for autonomy and stimulation, and developing the emotional regulation skills to sit with discomfort without reaching for risky shortcuts. For older adults, it means maintaining social roles, cultivating purpose, and resisting the stereotype that boredom is an inevitable feature of old age. Older adults who view aging as an opportunity for self-reflection, continuous growth, and meaning-making are consistently less vulnerable to boredom (Frontiers in Psychology, 2025).

Boredom, properly understood, is less an emotion to be eliminated than a signal to be heeded — a reminder, at every stage of life, that we are built for engagement.

Selected Sources

  1. Weybright, E.H., Schulenberg, J., & Caldwell, L.L. (2020). More bored today than yesterday? National trends in adolescent boredom from 2008–2017. Journal of Adolescent Health, 66(3), 360–365.
  2. Perone, S., Anderson, A., & Weybright, E. (2023). Older and wiser? Age-related change in state and trait boredom during adolescence. Adaptive Human Behavior and Physiology, 9, 141–157.
  3. Anderson, A.J. & Perone, S. (2024). How did we get so bored? A bioecological model of the development of boredom. Psychological Reports.
  4. An, J., Payne, L., & Liechty, T. (2023). Understanding boredom and leisure in later life: A systematic review. Innovation in Aging, 7(8).
  5. Tam, J.Y.F. et al. (2023). Boredom belief moderates the mental health impact of boredom among young people. Journal of Personality.
  6. Wettstein, M. et al. (2025). Thinking it's boring in old age increases risk for future loneliness. German Ageing Survey (DEAS).
  7. British Psychological Society. (2023). Boredom across the lifespan. The Psychologist.
  8. CENIE. (2022). Report on the study of boredom in older adults. Centre for the Study of Elderly People.